The existing Constituent Assembly will continue to function, but no constitution framed by that could not be applied to these parts of the country who were not willing to accept. The procedure described in the declaration was designed to determine the aspirations of these parts are not willing to whether the constitution should be framed by the existing Constituent Assembly or by a new and distinct from the Constituent Assembly. After that, you did could identify the authority or authorities the power to be transferred.
Provincial legislatures of Bengal and Punjab (excluding EU members) will therefore each be invited to meet in two parts, one representing districts with a Muslim majority and the other the rest of the province.
Members of the two parts of each separate sitting legislature have the right to vote on whether or not the province should be divided. If a simple majority of one party decides in favor of the partition, the division will take place and make arrangements accordingly.
For immediate release rule on the question of the purpose of the score, the members of the legislative assemblies of Bengal and Punjab to sit in two parts according to the districts of Muslim majority districts and non-Muslim majority. This is only a preliminary stage of a purely temporary nature, since it is clear that, for the final score of the provinces a detailed investigation of boundary issues will require; and once a decision involving the partition is taken either for the Commission Frontier Province by the Governor General, the composition and terms of reference that will be settled in consultation with the concerned establish.
In addition, it was stated that the Legislative Assembly of Sindh was also authorized to decide at a special meeting if the province wants to participate in the existing Constituent Assembly or to join the new. If the partition of Punjab was decided, a referendum was held in the province of North-West Frontier to determine the Constituent Assembly wanted to join. Balochistan would also be an opportunity to reconsider its position and the Governor General was considering how it could be made more appropriate.
Involved, Mountbatten regretted that it had not been possible to obtain the consent of indigenous leaders, either in the plane Mission Office or any other plan that would have preserved the unity of India. But there can be no question of forcing any large area where a community has a majority to live against their will in a government in which another community had the majority. The only alternative to coercion was partition.
On the morning of June 4, Viceroy gave a press conference and said for the first time publicly that the transfer of power could take place in "about 15 August" 1947.
The Council of the All India Muslim League met in New Delhi on 9 and 10 June 1947, and stated in its decision that, although he could not accept the partition of Bengal and Punjab to consent to this partition, had to consider the plan to transfer power as a whole. Full authority has been given to the Quaid-i-Azam to accept the basic principles of the plan as a compromise and left to work on the details.
The All India Congress Committee adopted a resolution on June 15 to accept the plan on June 3 However, he expressed hope that India meet one day.
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