The first phase (1904-1920) of Jinnah's political career has coincided with the period of his deep commitment to the Congress. Then began the second phase that captured the thrust of its first phase in terms of political concerns and ultimate goals, but in which their previous participation in the Congress in collaboration became critical moments in places where the position of the Congress was consistent with it.
This intermediate phase where, apparently, he embarked on two boats finally ended in 1937, ushering in his confrontation with Congress mounting ten years. This third phase covers the memorable decade from 1937 to 1947. There was, of course, a stage - as the founder of the new nation - but it was too short and troubled.
Nurtured in the cosmopolitan atmosphere of Bombay merchant, Jinnah, in the first phase was not very different from Badruddin Tyabji (1844-1906), former president of Congress, with which was also closely related to Association Bombay Presidency, a political body the province. As Tyabji, Jinnah, if only for its history and environment of the center of his activity, was largely unaware of the objective realities of the Muslim situation and common problems and thought the failure of Muslim India.
Later, however, membership in the Imperial Legislative Council since 1910 demonstrates a profound gradual change. He brought it closer to the problems of Muslims and the main centers of Muslim opinion in northern India - to Nadwa in Aligarh, especially the Muslim League.
The gradual change in their perception of Muslim problems eventually led him to recognize that Muslims had special interests and needs that must be met if it were not lag behind in the national struggle.
Thus began his march for separate electorates, granted earlier in the reforms of Morley-Minto, 1909, and took him to advise their Hindu brothers in October 1916 "the question is not open to discussion or argument as a mandate community, "and that" separate electorates demand is not a political issue, but a matter of necessity Muslims. "
Since 1910, Jinnah had also begun to attend meetings and sessions of the Council of the Muslim League, as a special guest, and participate fully in its deliberations.
The three dominant currents in the first phase of Jinnah's political career were: (i) a firm belief in a united Indian nation, with Hindus and Muslims to be partners in the future dispensation Indians; (Ii) to work for the freedom of India through the unity between Hindus and Muslims; and (iii) to work for unity in the Muslim ranks through the strengthening of the Muslim League.
These filaments have continued in the second stage too. But over the years its position became invested in their scale of priorities, the ultimate objectives of Congress have undergone a sea change under the influence of Hindu extremists, as evidenced by the deliberations of all parties in the National Convention on the report Nehru in December 1928. Here the Muslim demand for federalism, designed to ensure the substance of power to them in their most provinces, was offset by the Indian insistence on a unitary form of a highly centralized government that the basic premise majoritarianism and principle, for this reason, considers all power to the central and marginal Hindu dominated provinces.
Jinnah search for unity between Hindus and Muslims, through a national pact, however, continued throughout the second phase, and even in the early years of the third, ending the 1937-1938.
Meanwhile, efforts to Jinnah Muslim unity became more pronounced in recent years, becoming a passion with him until the end of the second phase. And as the third phase crystallized, this passion has become the most magnificent obsession with himself to become the ultimate symbol of the unity of Muslims.
National Freedom for Hindus and Muslims continued to be the ultimate goal, but the means adopted to achieve underwent a radical change. If you have not achieved through unity between Hindus and Muslims, must be guaranteed by a division between Hindus and Muslims; if provided by a compound Hindu nationalism Muslim, do it by Hindu and Muslim nationalism separately; except through a united India, then through the sheet.
In both cases, the ultimate goal was to ensure equitable political power for Muslims. If Muslims, to use the expression to reveal Penderel Luna, could not share "the throne" with Hindus as equals in Delhi, then they must have a "throne" themselves in their majority areas. A study of Jinnah's political career shows that "separately because they are ... all ... [the] main phases merged in the next, and transitions between them are as important as the content of each evaluation of life Jinnah. Indeed, it is imperative to understand acknowledged their continued political progress ".
The key to the transformation of the ambassador of unity between Hindus and Muslims "fierce protagonist of separation between Hindus and Muslims, therefore, was quoted Hodson, author of the UK has greater authority of the Great Divide," in any lighting or volte sudden face, but in a long process of reinterpretation of basic light of new circumstances and facts of revelations concepts. "
However, the most basic concept remained pure and consistent: to ensure equitable power to the Muslims of the subcontinent. And when he did not get that in a multinational country, who designed a viable platform Muslim standing "Pakistan".
Seen thus, the demand for Pakistan was an extension of the post-1937 position Jinnah and achieving a viable political platform. It is no wonder that it has become increasingly identified in the Muslim mind with the concept of a charismatic community, which responded to the need to build and sanctify their sense of community with a sense of power. This explains why he has become his Quaid-i-Azam, even before the release of the demand for Pakistan in March 1940.
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