"Gandhi had many previous opponents in his life, but none had awakened his passion and is the despair as Jinnah. For them, all that Gandhi had said, done or written that there was a wave of optimism arising from his unwavering faith in Providence guide human destiny. This optimism began to decline. He stopped to talk live to be a hundred and twenty-five, and began to call things as "stray bullet. "I lost the will to live." 2
What can you say about the man, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, which explains its power over other men, and gave him the ability to lead a divided people to independence? This short article aims to answer this question by examining some of Jinnah associations with other Indian Muslim leaders who were prominent in the pre-independence period.
Jinnah was characterized by critics as "arrogant, picky and stubborn." Even his behavior and dress were examined thoroughly, and has often been compared to the British derogatory is described as follow. More than an objective observer saw the need to read in the use of Jinnah Monocle an assignment for the uses and English customs. In addition, their religious practices have undergone a special assessment.
Critics have repeatedly noted that Jinnah was unorthodox in their religious activity, and therefore, conclude, away from the vast majority of Muslims who came to lead. It's funny attack. In fact, Jinnah was convicted of reaching Pakistan. The consensus of those who feel informed about the issues of South Asia have long concluded that if it were not for the conduct of personality Jinnah, Pakistan have maintained an unstructured hypothesis. And there is no doubt that India remorse was to be divided into dominant and dominant Hindu-Muslim states or Jinnah is to blame for the party.
What is clear about Muhammad Ali Jinnah is that it is little known outside the country, he was responsible for creating. His features and individual characteristics are unfairly compared to those of Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhi described as an extension of the Indian nation while Jinnah is perceived as a product of a foreign culture. Call Gandhi, who had repeatedly gone to the masses; Jinnah, we are told, was simply the leader of an ambitious small middle class Indian Muslims. Gandhi was warm and affectionate, loved by his people. Jinnah, so read the comparison was arrogant, aloof and intimidating. Gandhi ascetic tastes are juxtaposed to more sophisticated lifestyle Jinnah. Ultimately, the San-in policy occurs, simply dressed in a dhoti loincloth or a place of honor, while almost affable nifty state whose inner confidence and stubborn perseverance circumvented the intent and purpose the need for large scope continue "bear the stings and arrows" of mourners Akhand Bharat of unreconciled.
It is almost thirty years since the creation of the independent state of Pakistan and we would have expected a different interpretation of the performance and behavior of Jinnah. Unfortunately, however, serious work on the Father of Pakistan now encouraging. The results of these efforts are still some time in the future, but it can raise some interesting points, given the availability of previously closed files.
yO
Jinnah has the difficult task of leading the Muslims of South Asia into a new era. He skilfully represented the cause of a historical community whose pride of accomplishment was in the past and whose future was questionable and uncertain amid a Hindu renaissance. Successfully articulated the feelings of their religious brethren, who could feel but not acting. It was Jinnah, who exploited the Muslims energies, given the direction and cultural nationalism transformed into a political organization. But Jinnah could not have done without, loyal assistants energy, especially those whose responsibility is to make known the work of Jinnah and the Muslim League. Jinnah was little known outside India and parts of England. Abroad, it is usually perceived as a popular leader, who for selfish interests tried to divide india sound policy organically. This problem is described in a letter to Jinnah CT Ispahani, who was their spokesman in the United States. In October 1946, Ispahani was invited to America by Ogden Reid, wife of the editor of the New York Herald Tribune. She organized the Herald Tribune Forum this time debating the merits of the positions of the National Congress and the Muslim League in India. Representatives of the Congress Party and the British government spoke of the unity of India, and left at Ispahani to explain the situation of Muslims in India and why demanding an independent homeland. Ispahani said that after the debate was: -
Surrounded by a large number of visitors who make it a point to express his gratitude to our case. Almost all of them said he did not know of these terrible differences that existed, which involved the division of India. All along they have read and have been informed that India is one nation, with the exception of a Mr. Jinnah and his handful of followers, who are the instruments of British imperialism. Therefore, for them my speech was the revelation.
He certainly did a bit of work, and that he told people that Muslims and Hindus can not have one, and if there will be peace and quiet, with a good relationship, it is necessary to divide India. three
Ispahani was selected by Jinnah representing the Muslim League, the United States and Britain. The two men had met there a quarter of a century, when Jinnah resigned from his post in the Imperial Legislative Council on the oppressive Rowlatt Act and its subsequent decision to speech, demanded that the British give people of India with the fundamental freedoms that had long been promised. Ispahani was overwhelmed both the form and precision of delivery of Jinnah and as he wrote "... he (Jinnah) made an indelible impression on my memory screen." 4 From the moment Ispahani committed to providing Jinnah and the cause of freedom in India. Events in India, however, have led to a redefinition of the quest for freedom and independence movement split in the following years, with Congress and Gandhi moves in one direction, and Jinnah and the Muslim League in another. Ispahani, like Jinnah, Gandhi could not identify, symbols or their tactics. The two men were educated in constitutional and parliamentary procedure. Each was a modernist, talented and hardworking. They were also convinced that the future of India was related to the type of political system that would maximize the expression of all communities. Jinnah was particularly afraid that a system that has focused almost exclusively on the mobilization of the masses degenerate into demagogy. In such a minority status would be placed at the thank you of the dominant community with virtually no safeguards against arbitrary decision-making. Jinnah, therefore, could not bring himself to support Gandhi, tried, was little more than a Tilak reserved. Moreover, Jinnah, was a disciple of Gokhale and he lives in his confrontation with Gandhi day struggle between these two Congress leaders from the previous version.
Although Ispahani not share Jinnah legal experience, he was aware of the different position and the importance of promoting the release of Jinnah. As a businessman with connections around the world was in an excellent position to establish offices of the Muslim League in foreign countries, and these were the main broadcast feature information on the program and Muslim League goals.
Ispahani also contributed to the understanding of politics Bengali Jinnah. Considering its base in Calcutta, and as a member of the Muslim League provincial Bengal, Jinnah was Ispahani who kept abreast of developments in the province. In the immediately preceding month partition of Bengal Muslim League was torn by a conflict with the chief minister HS Suhrawardy and Abul Hashim on one side and Fazlul Haq in the other. Fazlul Haq had left the Muslim League in 1942 and keeping it off until February 1947. His return has plunged the organization into chaos. Fuzlul Huq tried to use his popularity in East Bengal to regain control of the match, goal Jinnah had authorized Ispahani frustrating. Ispahani informed Jinnah that "Fazlul Haq met Mr. Gandhi and ... he gave a speech urging Muslims to work for the overthrow of the current (Suhrawardy) Department Bengal if they wanted to get what they deserve in the province. "Whether it was clear that Fazlul Haq was familiar with the tactics of Gandhi, Jinnah not; Fazlul Haq who tried to take control of the Muslim League, by dint of their popular appeal, and, of course, to emphasize emotional rather than procedural matters. This becomes even more evident in the letter to Ispahani Fazlul Haq. It says in part: -
It hurts to read in the press today ... ... his speech criticizing the Ministry of Bengal and declaring unless there is a change, the Muslims could not wait for justice ... You are a member of a political organization and no member is above their laws. The Department is the Muslim League ministry and has been in power for almost sends the unanimous support of Muslims inside and outside the legislature. If you have any complaints against their own department or individual Minister (sic) to be broken down in constitutional and within the party which you are a member ... Today, Muslims young and old, large and small, must join hands, personal ambitions and grievances are forgotten and are ready to face the onslaught of enemy.6 (emphasis added).
The fight with Fazlul Huq points up an obvious but no less life on the Muslim League of Jinnah almost on the eve of independence. The divisions within the Muslim League, and between the Muslim League and other Muslim organizations, has the task of Jinnah of Pakistan immeasureably more difficult. Congressional leaders hoped to exploit these differences and tried to convince the British that Jinnah was not the leader of a unified Muslim nation. Jinnah could not ignore this argument and he and his closest collaborators worked hard to bring the leaders Muslim dissidents online.
A large Muslim leader Jinnah difference was reported to have had HS Suhrawardy, the last Chief Minister of undivided Bengal. However, nothing in the personal correspondence between Jinnah and Suhrawardy suggesting anything other than cooperation. Even Ispahani recognizes the positive role in promoting Suhrawardy design Jinnah in Bengal. In a letter to Jinnah, Ispahani mentions how Suhrawardy was busy "digging the grave political Fazlul Huq" 7 and how it would be the result of the Muslim League. Others within the Muslim League sought to discredit Suhrawardy, however, and rumors and statements allegedly made by the Chief Minister, to the effect that any partition has been useless, or that he wanted to establish a free independent United severeign Bengal influence of Jinnah.
In defense of Suhrawardy note that Jinnah held in very high esteem. It was correct, courteous and respectful, and always tried to keep the Quaid-i-Azam informed of developments in his province. In 1946, the Muslim League entered the interim government with the Congress Party and Suhrawardy took the opportunity to ask to join Gandhi Jinnah called for a joint meeting of ministers of the various provinces and First home to discuss how best to promote better relationships and avoid riots between Hindus and Muslims. Clearly Suhrawardy was married to the constitutional order of the law, and its links with Jinnah were mostly held by his unwavering faith in the process and individual rights and their total horror demagogic appeals. Thus came hard on Fazlul Haq and other politicians Bengali Muslims who were plotting to overthrow him and do not hesitate to use surreptitious means.
Here is a gentleman Mr. Nurul Amin who is chairman of the House, who maintains a secret ambition to become Prime Minister. He joined hands with Fazlul Haq and some disgruntled elements Nazimuddin Party that Hamidul Huq Choudhry, a young man named Mohan Mia and Abdullah Mahmoud ... Mr. Fazlul Haq conceived the idea of becoming president Provincal Muslim League Bengal and began to mobilize students ... Fazlul Haq led students to enter the premises of the Assembly and I came out, but refused to support Mr Fazlul Haq.8
Another important observation is the fact that as late February 1947, Suhrawardy had assumed that India gained independence in June 1948 and that some form of confederation was in sight. He could not foresee the British decision to withdraw from India last year. As head of Bengal was responsible for the transition plans for independence colonial government. Pakistan No doubt noticed, but the way he would had not yet clarified. Certainly it could not foresee the partition of Bengal under fire Price Radcliffe, and therefore the loss of production center around Calcutta below. Your view on this is clear in a letter to the Governor of Bengal, Sir Frederick Burrows. The letter ends with the following statement: -
These thoughts are a bit childish, but the first reaction of a person who, while believing in the independence also believe that sometimes too high a price may have to pay. Furthermore, no attention has not been paid by a person in relation to the problems that will arise if the separation is also coupled to independence. Therefore, I have no knowledge or experience.
Is it wise to establish some kind of organization, committee or special adviser agent on the basis of an independent constitution of Bengal? Perhaps not need but still be useful, if not in their constitutional, economic and financial aspects.9 (emphasis added).
If someone wants to use this letter as proof that Suhrawardy plotting to establish an independent state in Bengal, is sufficient to note that a copy of this letter was sent to Jinnah for review February 26. In addition, Suhrawardy addresses a key question, the need of Bengal remained intact. Later, when he seriously discussed a possible partition of the province, sent a communication Suhrawardy secret of Lord Ismay, with a copy to the Quaid-i-Azam, who lamented the "rated speed" to divide the province. He said he thought the British government gave parties like the Hindu Mahasabha in an effort "to capture the Hindu sentiment." 10 At no time Suhrawardy believe he was doing anything to undermine the negotiations with the British Jinnah and the efforts of the Pakistan Muslim League in obtaining an independent.
However, when you try to lock the partition of Bengal, Suhrawardy colliding with a difficult problem, namely, the future of the "two-nation theory." In a letter to Liaquat Ali Khan, 21 May 1947, Shurawardy . Quote this concern Chief Minister of Bengal had reached an agreement in principle with some left Bengali Hindu leaders, but is concerned that these agreements would be interpreted as "abandon our principles -. Probably referring to the two-nation theory "But Suhrawardy was convinced that" Quaid-i-Azam intention to fight the partition (Bengal) inch by inch ... that is, who will fight in the legislature in national assemblies and even at the time of the planned referendum is granted. "for Suhrawardy, the partition would be an absolute disaster. "West Bengal is dominated Hindu" and rich in resources. In contrast perception was Suhrawardy East Bengal.
What will remain of East Bengal will be an area absolutely foodgrain deficit, and yet another regions or future areas of surplus food grains for us Muslims, the Muslims of East Bengal will be dead ... .so, so if you please some thought to the problem of Bengal and discuss this issue with the Quaid-i-Azam? .... If the Quaid-i-Azam also said he is willing to accept these conditions and if Congress is held, then it may well be that the viceroy can not display the partition of Bengal to the unreasonable attitude.11 Congress
Although Jinnah was not as familiar with Suhrawardy Bengal, it is clear that he shared the fears of the Chief Minister. Jinnah did not want to partition Bengal, but could not prevent the British to impose their plan. The record reveals that he fought with Mountbatten until the last moment, in fact, indicated that it could not accept the British proposal to separate until they had cleared the full Council Muslim League. But the Viceroy was in a hurry. His decision to give in to pressures Hindus had already been taken. In his biography of Jinnah, Hector Bolitho quoted as saying Mountbatten Quaid-i-Azam -
Mr Jinnah! I have no intention of letting ruin all the work that has gone into this agreement. Since you do not agree to the Muslim League, I'll talk to them myself.12
The purpose of Jinnah, a homeland for the Muslims of the subcontinent, was about to come true. As a realist, however, including the need for compromise and even though I would have preferred a stronger Pakistan, both east and west, had to recognize the logic demand for their opposition. It should be noted that both Jinnah and Suhrawardy were mainly from the reduction of the intensity of the common struggle. Jinnah was aware of riots between Hindus and Muslims in Calcutta and Noakhali and as he had assured Suhrawardy that would do everything possible to control violence, Jinnah had to conclude that resistance to partition of Bengal only increase the volatility of the situation.
With the partition of Bengal and Pakistan's independence Suhrawardy and Jinnah went by. Much has been said about the dissatisfaction of Jinnah's performance Suhrawardy, and there are certainly people close to Quaid-i-Azam that disliked13 Suhrawardy and tried to influence him against former chief minister of Bengal . But ultimately, it may be virtual presentation Suhrawardy confusing their leader. At no time Suhrawardy forget that he was a player of the Muslim League and Jinnah was the only person capable of Pakistan. Since that day in 1946 when Jinnah called "direct action" to independence and the transfer of power, Suhrawardy Jinnah endeavored to fulfill each policy. Both men were convinced that their cause was just and self-giving freely and unselfishly.14
II
Quaid-i-Azam had significant problems with other Muslim leaders like Abul Kalam Azad and Fazlul Haq. Nor was convinced of the necessity of Pakistan movement and both Jinnah challenged the right to speak for the Muslims of South Asia. Jinnah had agreed to assume the leadership of the Muslim League on the understanding that it would have the support of the vast majority of Muslim leaders, and those who did not support his position would at least remain silent so as not to undermine Muslim cause. When he learned that Azad had agreed to chair the Indian National Congress in 1940 Jinnah sent a telegram fire. Azad said he had lost the confidence of Muslim India and it would be perceived as a "president of Showboy Muslim Congress." 15 Jinnah was more afraid of the effect it would have on the thought of the outside world, especially since he worked feverishly to reveal his two-nation theory. He sternly rebuked Azad Front for Congress, Jinnah called "Hindu Body" and argued "if Azad any self respect, give up at once." The response was terse Azad Jinnah. He asked if there was an alternative to the contour of the two nations, in fact, there was no reason to compromise on the basis of a unified Hindu and Muslim India without Pakistan. Jinnah, of course, informed that the time for unity between Hindus and Muslims had happened, and that Muslims were forced to rally behind the Muslim League. Azad refused to accept the idea that only the Muslim League and Indian Muslims is asked to behave Jinnah "inflexible". Azad said: -
In provinces where Muslims are the majority, there was no league ministry. There was a Congress ministry Frontier Province. In Bengal, there was a rule of the governor, while in the Punjab was a loyalist ministry. In Sindh, Ghulam Hussain Sir depended on the support of Congress and held the same position in Assam. It could be said that the Muslim League represents all Muslims. In fact, there was a large block of Muslims who had nothing to do with League.16
Azad's statement can not be contested. But in dramatic terms describes the enormous task that was before Jinnah. It also explains why the Quaid-i-Azam insisted on full respect and obedience. Having concluded that the Muslims of India would be better served in a state they control, and the feeling that the Muslim majority supported him in this view, refused to be discouraged by a couple of notable that stuck the oldest dreams. In addition, the chances of success in the creation of Pakistan Jinnah were great and recognized that only a confident hand cabinet support the drive for independence. Nothing less would have left the Muslims in their traditional fragmented state - its future, at best, an extension of the dominant indigenous community.
Suhrawardy Jinnah did not need to tell you about the difficulties Fazlul Haq did for Pakistan Muslim League and the Movement. Fazlul Haq was chief minister of Bengal on the outbreak of the Second World War and Jinnah and exchanged a series of letters that stressed their mutual antagonism. Like Azad, Fazlul Haq was more concerned to promote unity between Hindus and Muslims, and discussed with Jinnah that "the Muslim League should not take the wind in the sails of their organizations and ensure himself the merit have made the greatest possible service in India and its people. "17 Fazlul Haq insisted on going their own way, even if he had introduced the resolution in Lahore in March 1940 and has been recognized as the leader of the Movement Pakisan Jinnah. In response to the letter Haq, the Quaid-i-Azam said how important it was that Muslims have spoken with one voice and, therefore, no one should act "without reference to me." Jinnah quote from a previous letter Bangla Chief Minister decided to obtain your consent before make public statements that the League is involved. "But you already in the public press declared his opinion," said Jinnah, "as if the Muslim League had to be pushed by someone to reach agreement and decided we need to consider the proposals to be made in order. "18 Fazlul Haq argued that" does not impose anything want "but only thought that Muslims and Hindus should strive to reconcile their differences and make a truce. He continued: -
... .My Subject was really put in the position of India dictator ... If I still think my movement has not been negligent, can you tell me accordingly. It is far from the intention to cause a disturbance in the Muslim League.19
Jinnah did not succumb to this "flattery" nor sees himself as dictator of India. Fazlul Haq was an exasperating experience and often wondered how he could communicate with him. Jinnah has recognized the need for peace between Hindus and Muslims, the Congress and the Muslim League, but he said: -
When the other party has declared war and a gun to the head is held what do you propose to do? What do you think is the purpose and intent of Congress to launch civil disobedience? It is obviously want to double the British government to deliver or give in to their demands? At whose cost? 20
With World War II raging, Jinnah felt congressional tactics could well force the British to leave India and allow Indians to organize their own future. On the surface this might have been acceptable, but given the legacy of hatred and mistrust of the Indian Muslim, the common struggle and the general inability to join, he believed that a British withdrawal early and early could seriously compromise the Muslim community. Moreover, Jinnah had an aversion to the action of the mafia. Street Show was a bad way to build stable political institutions and at the same time provide for the welfare of minorities in the subcontinent. Thus, the possibilities weighing, he found, if not support, at least not weaken the British war effort.
Despite the advocacy Jinnah for the support and the promise of Fazlul Haq not to compromise the Muslim League activities, questions have reached a stage of the crisis between the two leaders. In January 1941, Jinnah Fazlul Haq accused of publishing a report to the press that he was promoting a renewal of unity between Hindus and Muslims and Pakistan movement was suspended. Haq insisted that he had not made such a declaration and the agents of the British census in Bengal had fallen under Indian influence and left a million and a half Muslims lists. Haq urged Jinnah do something to remedy this situation and concluded his letter with the comment: "I fear Muslims in Bengal was reduced to a minority and you will lose one of its provinces primarily denominated in India." (Our accent.) 21 Answer Jinnah this curious request could not hide his enormous anger. Haq was obviously playing with Jinnah, informing him that if he himself a leader of all Indian Muslims considered, why not show that could remedy this situation. It was obvious that Jinnah had no power to interfere with the administration of Bengal, but Fazlul Haq as Chief Minister of the province had the power. Jinnah wrote: -
I'll wait for new developments in terms of what the league wants to do. Meanwhile, I have to say I'm surprised to read that you have given in your letter. You, as the Prime Minister of Bengal is in a strong position to fight against the issue with the Government of India firmly and determinately.22
Jinnah and Fazlul Haq never reconcile their differences. The two men were totally opposed. In addition, their views reflect their environment;
No comments:
Post a Comment